The Malta Competition and Consumer Affairs Authority in September also gave the deal the green light, meaning Evolution now has all necessary competition approvals for the deal to proceed. Evolution in June tabled a bid of SEK79.93 per share, valuing NetEnt at SEK19.6bn (£1.70bn/€1.92bn/$2.28bn), in a deal it said would supports its expansion efforts in the UK. The acquisition offer had also been subject to a review by and approval from the UK Competition and Markets Authority (CMA), which was secured last week, though the CMA is yet to publish its full reasoning for this decision. The offer was conditional on Evolution securing the approval of more than 90% of NetEnt’s shareholders. The acceptance period for shareholders had been due to expire on 31 October, but this was extended to 20 November, with Evolution having hoped to declare the offer as unconditional by today (23 November). Evolution noted that the final count is ongoing and the outcome of this could be published later today. Tags: NetEnt Evolution AddThis Sharing ButtonsShare to LinkedInLinkedInShare to FacebookFacebookShare to TwitterTwitter Live dealer specialist Evolution has revealed more than 90% of all shareholders in NetEnt have accepted its proposed bid for the slots giant. Subscribe to the iGaming newsletter 23rd November 2020 | By Robert Fletcher M&A Email Address Topics: Casino & games Strategy Live dealer Online casino Slots M&A Though Evolution is yet to confirm the unconditional offer, it has said that based on its preliminary estimates, approximately 94% of NetEnt shareholders have accepted the acquisition offer. Evolution wins 90% NetEnt shareholder approval for acquisition Subject to final approval from NetEnt’s shareholders, Evolution expects to begin settlement of the acquisition deal from 1 December.
“This Stock Could Be Like Buying Amazon in 1997” The BT share price is rising after the crash. Here’s what I’d do now Click here to claim your copy now — and we’ll tell you the name of this Top US Share… free of charge! Image source: Getty Images. I’m sure you’ll agree that’s quite the statement from Motley Fool Co-Founder Tom Gardner.But since our US analyst team first recommended shares in this unique tech stock back in 2016, the value has soared.What’s more, we firmly believe there’s still plenty of upside in its future. In fact, even throughout the current coronavirus crisis, its performance has been beating Wall St expectations.And right now, we’re giving you a chance to discover exactly what has got our analysts all fired up about this niche industry phenomenon, in our FREE special report, A Top US Share From The Motley Fool. Enter Your Email Address Renowned stock-picker Mark Rogers and his analyst team at The Motley Fool UK have named 6 shares that they believe UK investors should consider buying NOW.So if you’re looking for more stock ideas to try and best position your portfolio today, then it might be a good day for you. Because we’re offering a full 33% off your first year of membership to our flagship share-tipping service, backed by our ‘no quibbles’ 30-day subscription fee refund guarantee. Rachael FitzGerald-Finch has no position in any of the shares mentioned. The Motley Fool UK has no position in any of the shares mentioned. Views expressed on the companies mentioned in this article are those of the writer and therefore may differ from the official recommendations we make in our subscription services such as Share Advisor, Hidden Winners and Pro. Here at The Motley Fool we believe that considering a diverse range of insights makes us better investors. Our 6 ‘Best Buys Now’ Shares I would like to receive emails from you about product information and offers from The Fool and its business partners. Each of these emails will provide a link to unsubscribe from future emails. More information about how The Fool collects, stores, and handles personal data is available in its Privacy Statement. Rachael FitzGerald-Finch | Tuesday, 7th April, 2020 | More on: BT-A The BT (LSE: BT.A) share price is rising once again. The telecoms company appears to be beginning a modest recovery, after it collapsed with the rest of the FTSE 100. BT’s dividend is now yielding around 13%, up from 9.4% in February.BT purchased EE, the wireless carrier, in 2016. This acquisition gave the company a monopoly on network access in the UK market. It is the only UK telecoms operator able to offer wireless and fixed-line services without leasing its network access. On the face of it, what’s not to like?5G is here – and shares of this ‘sleeping giant’ could be a great way for you to potentially profit!According to one leading industry firm, the 5G boom could create a global industry worth US$12.3 TRILLION out of thin air…And if you click here we’ll show you something that could be key to unlocking 5G’s full potential…The BT share price has underperformed Looking at BT’s share price over the last five years, you’ll see a steady drop in value from its 2016 peak. The firm’s shares are currently worth around 116p. This is back where it was in 2009. BT has significantly underperformed the FTSE 100 over the last five-year period. In my view, any gains from it’s EE purchase have been frittered away.BT has not capitalised on its monopoly position either. The firm hasn’t managed to overcome the challenges of new competitors. And it also appears to struggle with regulatory and operational burdens.Some analysts believe the firm to be moving slowly in the right direction. If that is the case, I think progress is much too leisurely and is reflected in the declining share price.Adding to BT’s woes, is the UK’s Huawei dilemma. Much of BT’s current infrastructure depends on Huawei equipment. The UK government’s cap on the use of Huawei in the newer 5G network is estimated to cost the firm £500 million over the next five years. This is adding to the downward pressure on BT’s share price.Downhill financial performance (H2)Some analysts describe BT as a ‘top FTSE dividend share’. This is mainly due to its attractive dividend yield and monopoly position. However, the yield is attractive because the share price is falling. Unlike many FTSE 100 firms, this is not solely due to the recent crash.A closer look at BT’s financial statements shows its peak performance to correlate with its purchase of EE. And it’s been downhill since then.A write-down in asset values occurred in 2017. This was due to an accounting scandal in the firm’s Italian division. At the same time, turnover, operating profits, and earnings per share dropped, and continue to do so.BT has consistent ‘exceptional item’ expenses which make me wonder how exceptional they really are. Since exceptional items are not included when calculating operational profit, the declining profits may be higher than they should be.And while I’m talking about accounting, changes in standards brought BT’s off-balance-sheet financing onto the balance sheet in 2017. The results were inflated EBITDA but also higher gearing. As for that 13% yield, profits are dropping and debt is increasing. It’s easy to see why the dividend growth rate has been declining year on year since 2016. Unless BT can make faster changes to its model, this will likely continue.Incredibly, the average broker recommendation on BT shares is a buy. With this in mind, if I had the shares in a portfolio, I’d continue to hold them. But I won’t be buying them anytime soon. Simply click below to discover how you can take advantage of this. See all posts by Rachael FitzGerald-Finch
FREE REPORT: Why this £5 stock could be set to surge Renowned stock-picker Mark Rogers and his analyst team at The Motley Fool UK have named 6 shares that they believe UK investors should consider buying NOW.So if you’re looking for more stock ideas to try and best position your portfolio today, then it might be a good day for you. Because we’re offering a full 33% off your first year of membership to our flagship share-tipping service, backed by our ‘no quibbles’ 30-day subscription fee refund guarantee. Image source: Getty Images Stock investing can be challenging, particularly when picking UK shares. Many investors struggle to earn profits in the stock market, and it certainly isn’t suitable for everyone. Investors should only buy into businesses they understand and never invest more than they can afford. By sticking to this strategy, I’ve been able to increase my wealth over the past decade. By acquiring a diversified basket of UK shares in sectors I understand, my portfolio’s value has increased. And so has the income it generates. While past performance is no guarantee of future returns, I think by following a similar strategy I can continue to increase my wealth. 5G is here – and shares of this ‘sleeping giant’ could be a great way for you to potentially profit!According to one leading industry firm, the 5G boom could create a global industry worth US$12.3 TRILLION out of thin air…And if you click here we’ll show you something that could be key to unlocking 5G’s full potential…Stock investing opportunitiesI like to add to my portfolio the type of companies that have a strong competitive advantage and track record of rewarding shareholders. While these qualities never guarantee future performance, they provide some guide as to the quality of the business and its management. A couple of UK shares stand out to me right now. These are Premier Foods and Centamin. The former’s a food producer that’s spent the last decade trying to reduce debt and improve profitability. After reaching a landmark pension agreement last year, the company’s returned to growth.Meanwhile, gold miner Centamin has benefited from rising gold prices over the past 12 months. The company’s balance sheet is stuffed full of cash and the stock currently supports a dividend yield of 5.6%.However, falling gold prices could hit Centamin in the future, while Premier may see profits fall if costs rise substantially, so I’m not going to overlook these risks. But based on the tailwinds that have powered these businesses over the past 12 months, I’d buy them today. UK shares on offer Volex and IG are two other UK shares I’d buy today. The former is a world-leading producer of electrical equipment, much of which is protected by patents. The latter has an impressive reputation in the financial services industry. These companies have faced challenges in the past and will continue to do so in future. Nevertheless, they’ve both come through historical difficulties, giving me confidence in their future potential. Finally, I’ve been buying British American Tobacco recently. Shares in this cigarette giant have plunged over the past two years. Even after this decline, the stock still supports a desirable dividend yield of over 8%. But the market seems to be concerned that declining cigarette sales around the world will impact the firm’s profits and hurt its dividend. This is a challenge the group faces although, so far, it has managed to deal with this headwind. That may not continue.This isn’t an investment suitable for everyone. But, ethics aside, I’m comfortable with the level of risk of investing here. I’m willing to take on the risk for that 8%+ dividend. Are you on the lookout for UK growth stocks?If so, get this FREE no-strings report now.While it’s available: you’ll discover what we think is a top growth stock for the decade ahead.And the performance of this company really is stunning.In 2019, it returned £150million to shareholders through buybacks and dividends.We believe its financial position is about as solid as anything we’ve seen.Since 2016, annual revenues increased 31%In March 2020, one of its senior directors LOADED UP on 25,000 shares – a position worth £90,259Operating cash flow is up 47%. (Even its operating margins are rising every year!)Quite simply, we believe it’s a fantastic Foolish growth pick.What’s more, it deserves your attention today.So please don’t wait another moment. Rupert Hargreaves | Sunday, 14th February, 2021 Simply click below to discover how you can take advantage of this. Rupert Hargreaves owns shares in British American Tobacco. The Motley Fool UK has no position in any of the shares mentioned. Views expressed on the companies mentioned in this article are those of the writer and therefore may differ from the official recommendations we make in our subscription services such as Share Advisor, Hidden Winners and Pro. Here at The Motley Fool we believe that considering a diverse range of insights makes us better investors. Our 6 ‘Best Buys Now’ Shares I would like to receive emails from you about product information and offers from The Fool and its business partners. Each of these emails will provide a link to unsubscribe from future emails. More information about how The Fool collects, stores, and handles personal data is available in its Privacy Statement. Stock investing: 5 UK shares to buy today Enter Your Email Address Get the full details on this £5 stock now – while your report is free. See all posts by Rupert Hargreaves
ArchDaily Year: Shams Villa / Karand GroupSave this projectSaveShams Villa / Karand Group Photographs Architects: Karand Group Area Area of this architecture project “COPY” ShareFacebookTwitterPinterestWhatsappMailOrhttps://www.archdaily.com/539723/shams-villa-karand-group Clipboard Shams Villa / Karand Group 2013 Year: ShareFacebookTwitterPinterestWhatsappMailOrhttps://www.archdaily.com/539723/shams-villa-karand-group Clipboard CopyAbout this officeKarand GroupOfficeFollowProductsWoodGlassConcrete#TagsProjectsBuilt ProjectsSelected ProjectsResidential ArchitectureHousesSavehHousesUkrainePublished on August 26, 2014Cite: “Shams Villa / Karand Group” 26 Aug 2014. ArchDaily. Accessed 11 Jun 2021.
Projects Photographs: Åke E:son LindmanProject Architects:Måns Tham, Mariano TellecheaCollaborators:Johanna Redell, Mårten NettelbladtStructural Engineer:Måns LjungbergChief Architects:Bolle Tham, Martin VidegårdCity:Värmdö NOCountry:SwedenMore SpecsLess SpecsSave this picture!© Åke E:son LindmanRecommended ProductsWoodBruagBalcony BalustradesFiber Cements / CementsDuctal®Ductal® Cladding Panels (EU)WoodAccoyaAccoya® Cladding, Siding & FacadesEnclosures / Double Skin FacadesRodecaRound Facade at Omnisport Arena ApeldoornText description provided by the architects. The site is a promontory on the relatively small island of Krokholmen in Stockholm’s outer archipelago: a typical archipelago landscape with windswept dwarf pines and soft mountain outcrops produced by the inland ice. The plot benefits from open views, in the east all the way out to the lighthouse Almagrundet in the open sea, and it is at times exposed to strong winds. The family wanted a maintenance-free vacation home in one level with social space both inside and outside.Save this picture!© Åke E:son LindmanSave this picture!Floor PlanSave this picture!© Åke E:son LindmanWe proposed a two-part plan. Through a central wall holding the fireplace, a narrow opening gives access to bedrooms, bath and storage, that are oriented to the forest in the west. The large family room with kitchen and entrance could thus face out towards the sea with daylight and view in three directions. A screen of wood and glass runs around the house and unite interior and exterior spaces on a base of in-situ cast concrete. The living room opens up through large sliding doors onto three terraces, one of which is sheltered from the winds and facing south and one is completely open to the water to the east. The building section with a unifying arcuate roof creates the spatial quality of the interior but also defines the entire character of the building. The horizontal openess of the main space out towards the sea is balanced by its verticality, an internal ridge height of 6 meters (18 feet).Save this picture!© Åke E:son LindmanThe tent-like room and silhouette of the house connects to the idea of the least complicated way to spend time in nature, but it is also inspired by the older Swedish pavilion- and gazebo architecture, light buildings carefully placed in the landscape. The results often have a flavour of easy going summer life, yet sometimes surprisingly grand in their expression.Save this picture!© Åke E:son LindmanConstruction and finishes are made entirely of wood with the exception of a steel girder distributing loads above the main facade. Curved glulam beams rest on the low gable facades and meet along a ridge roof beam. Facade panels and trellis screens are made of cedar wood. Roof and exterior m Save this picture!© Åke E:son LindmanProject gallerySee allShow lessGerman Pavilion at the 2018 Venice Biennale Will Respond to Debates on Nations, Prot…Architecture NewsBishan Cultural and Art Center / TANGHUA ARCHITECT & ASSOCIATESSelected Projects Share House on Krokholmen / Tham & Videgård ArkitekterSave this projectSaveHouse on Krokholmen / Tham & Videgård Arkitekter ArchDaily Architects: Tham & Videgård Arkitekter Area Area of this architecture project House on Krokholmen / Tham & Videgård Arkitekter Save this picture!© Åke E:son Lindman+ 21 Share Sweden CopyHouses•Värmdö NO, Sweden ShareFacebookTwitterPinterestWhatsappMailOrhttps://www.archdaily.com/879032/house-on-krokholmen-tham-and-videgard-arkitekter Clipboard ShareFacebookTwitterPinterestWhatsappMailOrhttps://www.archdaily.com/879032/house-on-krokholmen-tham-and-videgard-arkitekter Clipboard Area: 135 m² Year Completion year of this architecture project Photographs 2015 “COPY” Houses Year: “COPY” CopyAbout this officeTham & Videgård ArkitekterOfficeFollowProductWood#TagsProjectsBuilt ProjectsSelected ProjectsResidential ArchitectureHousesVärmdö NOSwedenPublished on September 05, 2017Cite: “House on Krokholmen / Tham & Videgård Arkitekter” 05 Sep 2017. ArchDaily. Accessed 11 Jun 2021.
Tagged with: Big Lottery Fund Funding Ireland Northern Ireland Howard Lake | 4 July 2012 | News About Howard Lake Howard Lake is a digital fundraising entrepreneur. Publisher of UK Fundraising, the world’s first web resource for professional fundraisers, since 1994. Trainer and consultant in digital fundraising. Founder of Fundraising Camp and co-founder of GoodJobs.org.uk. Researching massive growth in giving. A widely anticipated Big Lottery funding programme for capital projects in Northern Ireland will now not be available until at least 2013, according to the Northern Ireland Council for Voluntary Action.The Space and Place programme was established following consultation in 2009/2010 which highlighted demand for the Big Lottery Fund to support the integration of communities, across both political and social class divides, in Northern Ireland.There was demand for providing new spaces and places and using existing ones better, particularly those that are currently underused or difficult for a variety of reasons. The consultation supported the idea of providing spaces to play, to meet others, build relationships and enhance participation.The programme is viewed as one of the few community capital funding programmes available.The delay in accepting applications seems to be down to the process of selecting an Award Partner to help administer the programme.Big Lottery Fund first called for applications for the £15 million Award Partner early in 2011 to be submitted by a deadline in July 2011. The programmes guidelines set a target of December 2011 for informing the successful award partner but no partner has been announced.BIG now hopes to announce the chosen Award Partner “late in 2012”. The timetable will then depend on the Award Partners programme for how and when funding will be delivered. Grants will be between £50,000 to £1 million.www.biglotteryfund.org.uk NI capital funding programme delayed AddThis Sharing ButtonsShare to TwitterTwitterShare to FacebookFacebookShare to LinkedInLinkedInShare to EmailEmailShare to WhatsAppWhatsAppShare to MessengerMessengerShare to MoreAddThis 28 total views, 2 views today AddThis Sharing ButtonsShare to TwitterTwitterShare to FacebookFacebookShare to LinkedInLinkedInShare to EmailEmailShare to WhatsAppWhatsAppShare to MessengerMessengerShare to MoreAddThis
ColumnsPreventive Detention Laws Allow State To Carve Out Exception For Its Lawlessness : Mihir Desai, Senior Advocate Mihir Desai, Senior Advocate29 Nov 2020 12:14 AMShare This – x[This lecture on the topic ‘The Problem Of Preventive Detention In India’ was delivered on 23 November 2020 as part of the KG Kannabiran Lectures on Law, Justice and Human Rights – organised by the family of KG Kannabiran (1929-2010) to celebrate his life, work and its futures]. ABSTRACT Preventive detention laws and special legislations like UAPA — anti-terror laws…Your free access to Live Law has expiredTo read the article, get a premium account.Your Subscription Supports Independent JournalismSubscription starts from ₹ 599+GST (For 6 Months)View PlansPremium account gives you:Unlimited access to Live Law Archives, Weekly/Monthly Digest, Exclusive Notifications, Comments.Reading experience of Ad Free Version, Petition Copies, Judgement/Order Copies.Subscribe NowAlready a subscriber?Login[This lecture on the topic ‘The Problem Of Preventive Detention In India’ was delivered on 23 November 2020 as part of the KG Kannabiran Lectures on Law, Justice and Human Rights – organised by the family of KG Kannabiran (1929-2010) to celebrate his life, work and its futures]. ABSTRACT Preventive detention laws and special legislations like UAPA — anti-terror laws as they are called — allow the state to carve out exception for its own lawlessness. These are the laws which permit the state to claim that we are governed by the rule of law and on the other hand pass such legislations which violate the rule of law altogether. These are the laws which go against the basic tenets of the constitution, such as freedom, equality, right to life, liberty etc. It therefore becomes important to look at these laws which gives an exceptional power to the state over citizens — to arrest them, to detain them, to charge them with offences which otherwise they may not be able to charge them with, keep them behind bars for years together, and also for ensuring that dissent in all forms is crushed. I am extremely thankful to Kalpana and Vasanth for giving me this opportunity of speaking in the memory of somebody who one always considered to be the doyen of the human rights movement in India — not just as a lawyer but also as an activist. I did not have the opportunity of working with him on a legal brief but I have had the opportunity of participating with him in various meetings, various fact finding tribunals. In fact Mr. Kannabiran passed away before the present national regime of Mr. Modi came about — and possibly if he was alive he might have been in jail today looking at the way things are going. In 2002 after the riots in Gujarat when Mr. Modi was the Chief Minister, we had together participated in a tribunal — an exhaustive tribunal which went on over weeks and weeks concerning the violence in Gujarat. And of course one has met him at other times also. So the memories of Mr. Kannabiran are very, very fond. Everybody knows that his passion was as a lawyer for the defence in most of the cases — and his critical insight — I feel that his book, The Wages of Impunity (2004) should be made a compulsory reading in all law institutions and also non-law institutions where social sciences are being taught. I would like to quote from what he says in the book: ‘While the rule of law is a civilising factor, it is at the same time an instrument that facilitates the uncritical acceptance of the deployment of violence for governance and to justify war. This interplay of violence and power has little to do with the ideology that states or governments profess’ (p. 2). This is precisely what I am going to elaborate and talk about today, but before I do that I just wanted to quote one more paragraph from another article from the same book where he says: ‘Political discontent which was genuine to start with has never since been examined and no attempts have been made to resolve it. Instead discontent has been allowed to fester to be dealt with later as a law and order issue. That is discontent was outlawed de facto without overtly banning the activity. After the 44th Amendment it was no longer possible to invoke Emergency provisions to contain internal disturbance. They can only be invoked when there is a threat of armed rebellion within. When this amendment was brought about, the obvious intention was to prevent the state from frequently and on the slightest pretext resorting to emergency provisions to impose an arbitrary, authoritarian rule. Ironically this amendment seems to have given more space to the executive to introduce repressive legislation without the necessity of suspending any of the fundamental rights.’ (p. 74). And then he goes on to speak about how TADA etc. were introduced by the 44th Amendment permitting such enactments to be introduced. Obviously he is a major critic of the Emergency period. But even post-Emergency, his insights are quite amazing in various aspect which he covers in the book. Let me go into two issues that he was very passionate about, on which he has written and on which he has handled hundreds of cases. One is the issue concerning preventive detention; and the second is special legislations such as TADA and POTA and UAPA, ie, the amendments to the UAPA. The reason why I want to go into this is that if one looks at the situation today, we need to put the detention laws and UAPA in their context. It is important to remember that most of the detention laws came not necessarily during the NDA government or during the BJP government. Majority of them came (a) through the Constitution and thereafter through various legislations passed by various Congress governments. The reason why I am going into these two aspects — preventive detention and special legislations — anti-terror laws as they call it — is because these are the laws which allow the state to carve out exception for its own lawlessness. These are the laws which permit the state to on the one hand say that we are governed by the rule of law and on the other hand pass such legislations which violate the rule of law altogether. These are the laws which go against the basic tenets of the constitution, such as freedom, equality, right to life, liberty etc. So these are the laws, which, while they are within the framework of the rule of law, are actually in violation of the rule of law. And that is why it becomes important to look at these laws which gives an exceptional power to the state over citizens — to arrest them, to detain them, to charge them with offences which otherwise they may not be able to charge them with, keep them behind bars for years together, and also for ensuring that dissent in all forms is crushed. The reason why these laws become important today is because if we look at the last five or six years, I feel there has been a consistent and strong hollowing-out of institutions of accountability which are required in a democracy. Why do I say there has been a hollowing-out? If you see, under the Constitution as well as under various legislations, the Executive as well as the Legislature are required to be accountable to the people in various ways. One obvious way we know is of course elections — every five years. That is one way of being accountable. But apart from elections there are various institutions set up such as the Election Commission, the Comptroller and Auditor General of India, the Parliament itself, the Lokayukta, the Right to Information Act and various provisions under that Act — these are various institutions by which you can hold the Executive as well as the Legislature accountable. We have seen that consistently there has been an erosion of these institutions. One can go on giving examples of how this erosion has happened, but just to give one or two examples, if you look at the Election Commission, you had five orders in the last election, where out of three Election Commissioners, one said that Mr. Modi has violated the Code of Conduct. On all five occasions, the other two disagreed. But that is fine, but they did not allow the dissent to be recorded; they did not allow the dissent to come out in public. And then this very Election Commissioner who gave a dissenting opinion –he and his wife immediately faced Income Tax ordeals. The law was used in order to threaten them, in order to terrorise them, and finally this gentleman had to leave. So that is as far as the Election Commission is concerned. A similar thing happens with the CBI. We all know of the dispute between the Director and the Joint Director of CBI. Finally the Director was removed apparently because he wanted to investigate the Rafale deal, he was removed overnight although there was no power to remove him, somebody else was put in his place, etc. And judiciary we know. Initially the attempt was to somehow create a problem within the judiciary through NJAC — the National Judicial Appointments Commission for appointment of judges of the higher courts — Supreme Court struck it down but the Executive has found a way around it and has been able to put pressure on the judiciary in various ways — through the IB, through not responding to any request from the judiciary, through helping individual members of the judiciary out when they are in trouble (such as trouble with sexual harassment case, such as the trouble with the Chief Minister committing suicide and naming some of the judges…). In all these respects, the Executive has been able to tame the judiciary. Similarly with the RBI. You first had Raghuram Rajan who was removed because he did not agree; then they put their own man, Urijit Patel, who also did not agree so he was removed and a third person has been brought in…Lokayukta hardly functions. Nobody was appointed for a long time. CAG — now they have Mr. GC Murmu who has been appointed as the head of the CAG who was the Principal Secretary during the Gujarat violence in Gujarat, during CM Modi’s time who is under lot of cloud for various other reasons. Parliament itself is not allowed to function properly because you have a situation whereby question hour is taken away; various laws being passed as Money Bills making Rajya Sabha redundant, you have the entire office of the Leader of Opposition being done away with because of which on many of the appointments committees you don’t have any member from the opposition; so what the Prime Minister says goes through. There is a constant hollowing out of institutions of accountability apart from three other things: if you look at educational institutions, a complete erosion of autonomy of educational institutions — violence, state violence being used within educational institutions, whether it is Aligarh, whether it is Jamia, whether it is JNU, one sees that constantly happening. You have similarly, the media being completely placed under control — either the channels are owned by some people from the government or through the method of advertising or through the method now of using the UAPA to arrest journalists bringing out a chilling effect on journalists. These are various ways. Finally the civil society organisations — the attempt in various ways either by filing cases against them, or using the FCRA (through amendment of FCRA or cancelling FCRA licenses) thereby preventing them from acting as effectively as they want to. So there are various ways in which the dissent of any kind is being crushed in our country today. The two laws used primarily nowadays for crushing dissent are Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) and the various Preventive Detention Laws. including the National Security Act which was used against Dr. Khafeel Khan in the context of what had happened in UttarPradesh. But let me just go back. In 1919 you had this famous Rowlatt Act being passed. What did Rowlatt Act provide? It provided essentially that persons could be kept in jail without trial for upto two years. It was a prevention detention law for two years without trial, and search without warrant. The title was Anarchical and Revolutionary Crimes Act, 1919, popularly referred to as Rowlatt Act. There was a huge protest against it, and one of the most significant symbol of the protest is the Jallianwala Bagh massacre where the meeting took place to protest against Rowlatt Act — to protest against preventive detention law which people felt would be misused. And of course thereafter Gandhiji’s satyagraha started, the non-cooperation movement, civil disobedience movement etc. started and the act had to be withdrawn because the national movement believed that this law was what they called (perhaps inappropriately) a ‘black law’ that needed to go because it allowed the police executive power to preventively detain people. After the law was forced to be withdrawn, we had the Defence of India Act, 1939. The question arose during the Constituent Assembly debates and thereafter as to what do you do with preventive detention. Throughout the national movement had always opposed preventive detention. They said you charge a person, you convict a person, you jail a person — which is one thing. But without charging a person, without convicting a person, how do you put him behind bars? The freedom movement was about freedom. So you cannot put people behind bars unless you charge them and there is some kind of conviction. This was the question before the Constituent Assembly. Do we have preventive detention or not? Finally for whatever reasons, it was agreed, and I think it was wrongly agreed, to have preventive detention law as part of the constitution – Article 22 of the Constitution of India permits preventive detention but in limited circumstances. So – limited preventive detention for three months; more than that only if a review committee actually goes through the grounds of detention and finds it justifiable; review committee must be headed by somebody who is qualified to be a high court judge etc. And more than that only if the Parliament by law prescribes it. Immediately after the Constitution was formulated, you have the first preventive detention law. This law had a sunset clause. Namely, it will be there for two years, and at the end of two years it will be seen if it should be continued or removed. This went on till 1967. Every two years the law was renewed. In 1967, the Congress government lost about 6 state assemblies and felt that one of the reasons why they lost was because preventive detention was being misused, so they allowed it to lapse. But in another year’s time we had MISA (Maintenance of Internal Security Act, 1971) — again a preventive detention law, which was misused and became a symbol of government lawlessness during the Emergency — so MISA was repealed in 1978 (Act 27 of 1978). In 1980 the National Security Act (NSA) came, which is now the act which deals with preventive detention other allowing preventive detention upto one year. This, unlike what happened in the 50s and 60s was not a law meant for a year, or two years or three years. The oppressive law, ie, the Preventive Detention Act, 1950 which initially was supposedly temporary now acquired a permanence in 1980 by NSA being a permanent law for preventive detention. It is no more subject to Parliamentary scrutiny every year or two years – it is a permanent fixture of our laws. Similarly, this happened with Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA), the other exception law — the other terrorist law. Before 1984- 85, you did not have any anti-terror laws in India. If anybody committed an act of terrorism he could be tried — so if somebody died you could be tried for murder, you could be tried for rioting, you could be tried for attempt to murder, you could be tried for dacoity, or whatever. In 1985, after the violence against Sikhs in 1984, Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act (TADA) was brought in. Before 1985, actually there was another act brought in, which was basically a precursor to TADA for one year. It was The Terrorist Affected Areas (Special Courts) Act, 1984 (Act No. 61 of 1984) which designated certain areas as terrorist affected and special laws be applied there. This was replaced by TADA in 1985. What did TADA do, which the other laws did not do — apart from defining what is a terrorist activity etc. It did three or four things. And that is why I think it is important to understand how TADA is different from the normal law. Under the normal Criminal Procedure Code there are two rights available to a person who is likely to be arrested or who is arrested. The first is, I have a right to apply for anticipatory bail — even if I am charged with murder, I can still apply for anticipatory bail. If the court is satisfied that the grounds against me are not strong enough, the court can very well say, ‘grant him anticipatory bail, there is no need to arrest him. Impose conditions, but don’t arrest.’ TADA does away with anticipatory bail. If I am likely to be arrested under TADA, I cannot avail of anticipatory bail. Similarly, as far as bail is concerned, ordinarily what happens is that once you are arrested, the court will find out whether you are likely to abscond, you are likely to tamper with evidence or not, put some conditions and after some time grant you bail. But under TADA, there is a special provision which says that you cannot grant bail to somebody unless the court comes to the conclusion that the person is not guilty of such offences. So at the stage of bail, before the evidence is led, before the trial begins, the court should come to a conclusion that the person is not guilty of such offence and only then bail can be granted. One can imagine how many people would have been granted bail — hardly anyone. So bail was basically denied — although bail not jail is the principle which is supposed to be followed. Thirdly, ordinarily police custody is for fifteen days when police torture you etc. — now this was extended to one month. The chargesheet gives you the grounds on which you are arrested finally. Normally this has to be filed within 60 days. Under this Act there was an extended period of one year given to file a chargesheet – which means for one year you do not know the detailed grounds on which you are arrested. You will not get bail because no judge is going to say you are not guilty if nobody knows why you are arrested. Effectively therefore, it allowed preventive detention for one year without taking recourse to preventive detention laws. This is what TADA did. Apart from that, there were certain kinds of privilege given to witnesses – if the judge felt that certain witnesses were sensitive, the accused was not entitled to know the names of the witnesses. The names were not revealed till cross examination and thus there was no time to prepare; and on the other hand the redacted statement of a witness could be used to deny bail. You can imagine the kind of problem this created. Similarly, confession of a co-accused which is otherwise not admissible in law, was made admissible. There was a presumption — suppose you were found at a place where arms are found, or suppose your fingerprints were found at some place where there was an explosion, you might be a passer-by or anybody, but there was a presumption that you are a terrorist and the presumption had to be rebutted by you. There could be attachment of your property etc. This was the situation as far as TADA was concerned. But TADA had a sunset clause – it had to be reviewed every two years by the Parliament – so it would go back before Parliament which would then have to decide as to whether to continue or not. TADA was taken to the Supreme Court, which upheld the validity of TADA, with certain generalisations/exceptions. But finally, there were major protests against TADA. The reason was this. In 1994, there were 70,000 undertrials across India under TADA. They were not subjected to trial, many of them were inside for years together because the trial had not started and the rate of conviction under TADA despite all the flexibilities and relaxations in criminal law, was one percent compared to the conviction rate in normal crimes which was at 44 percent at that time. It is important to remember the relaxations: burden of proof has shifted, witnesses can be confidential, confessions made by you can be used against a co-accused, and confessions made to a police officer was permitted unlike under normal criminal law where a confession has to be made before a magistrate. So you had one percent conviction rate, massive misuse of TADA, you had people who had nothing to do with terrorism, persons who were basically opposed to rises in milk prices in Gujarat being arrested under TADA, you had people striking for their genuine rights as workers being arrested under TADA. Finally in 1995, the central government allowed TADA to lapse. After that, in 2000, the government formed a committee to decide whether we need a permanent law for dealing with terrorism. In 2001 there were two important events. The first was the attacks on the World Trade Center in New York and the second the Parliament attack in India. Using this as a reason, the government came up with what was known as POTO – Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance, 2001 – this later got converted into POTA – Prevention of Terrorism Act, 2002. This is similar to TADA with two or three differences. One, this is also subject to a sunset clause, i.e. every three years it has to be reviewed, and unless it is specifically continued by the Parliament it would stand repealed – instead of 2 years under TADA, it was 3 years here. The confession which was still permissible to be made to a police officer and not necessarily to a magistrate, was admissible as evidence but not against a co-accused unlike TADA. There were two other aspects – one, a review committee was set up which would review cases of people charged under TADA and assess whether these cases would be continued or not. There was a kind of a filter. Second, as far as bail was concerned, like in TADA, bail would not be possible unless a court finds ‘not guilty’ – but this was to appear only in the first year of the custody. After the first year of arrest, the normal bail provisions of the Criminal Procedure Code would apply. Again the problem with POTA was that it was misused massively. Arrests were arbitrary –politicians, people who were striking, people protesting against their houses being demolished, etc. Even before that POTA was opposed by opposition parties so it could not be passed through Rajya Sabha. It was one of the unique occasions when Parliament called a Joint Parliamentary Session of Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha – it was only then that POTA could be passed. The Congress in 2004 (UPA) gave an assurance that it would do away with POTA if they came to power. When they came to power, POTA was repealed (Prevention of Terrorism (Repeal) Act 2004) on 21 September 2004. On the same day that they repealed POTA, they brought out an Amendment to the UAPA – Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Amendment Act, 2004. The UAPA already existed in the law books since 1967. But that law essentially dealt with banning certain organisations which spoke against unity, integrity of India, and which talked about secession. It was not a law dealing with terrorism. In the 2004 amendment to this law, and subsequent amendments in 2008, 2013 and now in 2019 – basically the provisions concerning terrorism were incorporated from POTA into UAPA. So while POTA is repealed, you have UAPA coming in with similar provisions and minor changes here and there. There are some aspects of UAPA that we must focus on: ‘unlawful activity’ and ‘unlawful associations.’ Unlawful Associations are those which from time to time will be declared as unlawful if that association is found to be acting against the unity and integrity of India or secession. this declaration is made through an official government gazette notification. Second is ‘Terrorist Organisations’ – those which are named in the schedule to the Act itself. There are more than 40 organisations named in the schedule which are classified as terrorist organisations. Repealing POTA did not make any difference to what kind of act would now come into place. I personally feel there are at least three aspects which are worse in UAPA than POTA. First, review committees, which were mandated under POTA are completely done away with under UAPA. Second, the one year limit on strict bail conditions after which normal bail conditions would apply under POTA has been done away with in UAPA. This means that for ever and after – till the trial is over, the strict bail conditions will apply. This makes grant of bail very, very unlikely. The third aspect is with reference to the sunset clauses in TADA and POTA and like preventive detention initially had. Just as the temporary law of preventive detention got converted into a permanent law in 1980, similarly, UAPA acquired the character of a permanent anti-terrorism law without any sunset clause. The advantage of a sunset clause is that it has to be reviewed constantly, it has to be placed before the Parliament, it has to be debated in Parliament. Here there is no reason for any debate, no justification etc. UAPA is a much more oppressive law than POTA or TADA ever were. I will briefly speak about the ways in which UAPA has been used in the present times and why it is absolutely essential that one doesn’t call for dilution of UAPA — one calls for repeal of UAPA. There are at least three cases going on right now when UAPA has been majorly used – Bhima Koregaon case which happened in Maharashtra but has acquired a national flavour where everybody who is arrested is charged with being a terrorist and put behind bars whether that person has anything to do with terrorism, whether that person has ever entered Bhima Koregaon, whether that person ever entered a forest is irrelevant. You are charged and put behind bars; the second case is the Delhi Riots case where the victims have now become the accused through the UAPA. This law has been used against various people saying that actually those who are victims and those who called for peaceful protests, those who always supported Gandhian ideals of peaceful satyagraha and non-violence have been now charged with being terrorists and been put behind bars — and many more people are likely to be arrested. The third case is the Hathras case where the girl was mercilessly raped and beaten and killed, her body burnt overnight by a total collaboration between the police and the upper caste men. Journalists who try to investigate what is happening are being charged under UAPA as being terrorists, performing unlawful activities etc. There are various ways in which you can crush or quieten dissent. One of the ways, as I said when I began, is by hollowing out various institutions. It is not as if UAPA or TADA or preventive detention law was not misused earlier — they were misused massively. In fact many, many people would say that the worst atrocities happened during the Emergency — 1975-77. But we must remember two things. That Emergency was a phenomenon to protect an individual, or one or two individuals. As soon as those people felt protected Emergency was lifted. It was a temporary event. Once it was over, things started getting normalised. Presently we are not dealing with a temporary event. We are dealing with the spread of an ideology which seeks to establish permanence in our society; which seeks to establish itself as the only ideology which will be acceptable in the society. In order to do that it has to root out dissent. It has to root out any kind of objections to the way it functions. And it will choose legal as well as extra-legal methods of doing so. Various extra-legal methods can be used such as individual killings (Gauri Lankesh, Dabholkar and various others) — but individual killings only kill the individual, create some sort of a chilling effect for the time being and people again start protesting. With these kind of conspiracy cases which they are building up — Bhima Koregaon, Delhi et., what they are doing is, they may not be killing an individual but they are creating an atmosphere of fear which will affect not one individual but a large number of people (like everywhere, 20 people arrested, 40 people arrested…) and it will affect them for a long period of time till the trial ends… so another 8 or 10 or 15 years. Imagine the chilling effect of these kinds of trials especially on people who are seen as leaders of the civil society. They are no more interested in the foot soldiers. They are interested in attacking who they consider are the leaders of the society and are using this law, UAPA to keep people behind bars irrespective of whether conviction comes or not, for a long long period of time. They have acquired a mastery over this law, UAPA – brand anybody as anti-national, brand anybody as violent, brand anybody as urban naxal, put them behind bars. The judiciary has been pathetically bad as far as responding to these kinds of cases is concerned – whether it is Romila Thapar’s case in Supreme Court or whether it is the recent case called Watali’scase of the Supreme Court where the Supreme Court said that at the time of granting bail, the court will not look at the admissibility of evidence which the police produce. So the police produce any fabricated documents, and the courts are not supposed to look at them till the trial is over. The use of the law — not its misuse — is to keep people behind bars for years and years together without there being any justifiable cause. Therefore I feel that it is time that we all demand that a law like UAPA be repealed altogether. We don’t need a law like this in order to fight terrorism. There are enough provisions under the IPC — murder, dacoity, hate speech, sedition (I don’t agree with it, but it is there), waging war against the government – all these offences are covered under IPC. We don’t need this separate law. We should ask for the repeal of this law because it is only needed to crush dissent. Let me say at the end that we do miss Mr. Kannabiran at this time because this is the time when I believe that his ideas, his strength as a lawyer and his strength as a human rights activist is badly needed. Unfortunately, we don’t have him with us but we still have his ideals and his principles to go by. Let us try and go by that and let us see how we can move forward. Thank you.[Senior Advocate Mihir Desai practices civil and criminal law in Bombay High Court, Mumbai and the Supreme Court of India. He is Vice President of Peoples’ Union for Civil Liberties. He is a human rights lawyer who has taken up cases of mass communal and caste violence, state violence, free speech, the rights of journalists and political dissenters and has been closely involved in fact finding missions and citizens’ tribunals on questions of human rights in India]This is the third lecture of K G Kannabiran memorial lectures.[The previous two lectures :Lecture by Justice B Sudershan Reddy, former Supreme Court Judge -Death Of Democratic Institutions: The Inevitable Logic of Neo-Liberal Political Economy & Abandonment of Directive Principles of State Policy.Second lecture by Advocate B Nalin Kumar -‘A Lawyer With High Principles’ : A Junior Remembers His Senior KG Kannabiran]Video of Mihir Desai’s lecture : Next Story
News, Sport and Obituaries on Monday May 24th Twitter Google+ By News Highland – August 7, 2020 Pinterest Twitter Secondary School students and their teachers will have to wear a face covering when schools return in September.The Minister for Education has issued updated guidelines this evening.She says the new rule will apply in cases where the 2 metre social distancing rule cannot be adhered to.102 million euro in funding has been issued to schools so far to cover the cost of minor works to create more space in classrooms and to install handwashing stations.********************Update on Reopening Our Schools: The Roadmap for the Full Return to SchoolThe Minister for Education Norma Foley TD has today provided an update on her Department’s work to realise her Department’s plans to reopen schools fully at the end of the summer. The Minister, along with Taoiseach Micheál Martin TD and Minister for Special Education and Inclusion Josepha Madigan TD, last week published a detailed plan Reopening Our Schools: The Roadmap for The Full Return to School, along with details of a financial package of over €375 million to support its delivery.Commenting today, Minister for Education Norma Foley TD said: “Last week we announced a comprehensive plan that will support our schools to reopen for the new school year. This week I am pleased to announce that a considerable portion of the funding due to schools has been paid, allowing schools to make vital progress in making the changes that are needed to safely reopen.“For example, €102 million in funding has already issued to primary and post-primary schools to carry out minor works to create more space in the classroom or install additional handwashing stations. Funding has already been made available for schools to hire aides to help reconfigure classrooms and install hand sanitising stations. Guidance has also been circulated to schools detailing how they can best access PPE and hand sanitiser supplies.“I wish to thank again all members of school staff and parents for the roles they are playing and will continue to play as schools return at the end of August. We will continue to communicate with schools, education partners, parents and students, as schools reopen, and keep a close eye to ensure that the supports are working as intended.”Updated Guidance around wearing of Face CoveringsThe Minister also confirmed that she had been working with the public health authorities to ensure that the public health advice underpinning the safe reopening of schools is fully up to date. The HSE’s Health Protection Surveillance Centre has confirmed that all recommendations published in the public health advice by the Minister at the beginning of July including physical distancing guidelines as set out in the recently published roadmap still apply in all schools, with the exception of the recommendations on face coverings which has been updated to reflect the latest research and expertise. It is now recommended that teachers and secondary school students wear face coverings, similar to those worn in shops or on public transport, when a physical distance of 2 metres cannot be maintained.Minor Works FundingTo support the full implementation of the Roadmap, the Department brought forward to August the payment of the annual minor works grant to primary schools, totalling approximately €30 million, which is typically paid in either December/January each year. In addition, an enhanced minor work grant, which matches the 2019 payment, has also been issued to directly to schools. This amounts to €60 million which has now been issued directly to primary schools in minor works grants since the publication of the Roadmap.In addition a new minor works grant, totalling approximately €42 million, has issued to post primary schools this week.Support and SupervisionFunding of €4.2m for aide/s to assist with the logistical arrangements in advance of school reopening including physical reconfiguration measures and setting up hand sanitising stations, helping with signage, training and engaging with parents and students.Funding of €40m has been made available for additional supervision at post primary level. Of this €12.3m has already been paid to schools for the first term with the balance payable in 2021.Additional Cleaning and PPESchools have been provided a Covid-19 specific capitation payment will be used as the mechanism to support the implementation of enhanced cleaning regimes in schools. This is intended to allow for an extra 4 to 6 hours cleaning per day in schools.Enhanced Covid-19 rates are payable in respect of students attending special schools and special classes attached to mainstream schools in order to assist with the extra costs arising from the cleaning of classrooms operating specialist provision. Initial funding to schools for cleaning for the first term is now with schools and further payments will issue in early 2021 for cleaning needs for the subsequent terms.Teacher SupplyIn addition, significant additional measures are being adopted to increase the supply of teachers at both primary and post-primary level, including offering additional hours to the 2,800 teachers who are working part-time in post-primary schools, allowing job-sharing teachers to work additional hours and making it more attractive for teachers on career break to provide substitution and supervision cover. Schools have been notified of these changes, allowing them to more easily hire additional teachers.The Teaching Council is also working on a range of measures to increase the supply of registered teachers who may be available to fill posts to support the re-opening of schools for the 2020/21 academic term, including making contact with the 6,000 registered teachers who are not currently active in schools. Pinterest Homepage BannerNews Previous articleNews, Sport, Nuacht and Obituaries on Friday August 7thNext articleFour new deaths and 98 new cases of Covid-19 confirmed News Highland Facebook RELATED ARTICLESMORE FROM AUTHOR Harps come back to win in Waterford Masks to be mandatory in secondary schools in certain circumstances Important message for people attending LUH’s INR clinic Journey home will be easier – Paul Hegarty DL Debate – 24/05/21 WhatsApp Facebook Google+ WhatsApp Arranmore progress and potential flagged as population grows
DL Debate – 24/05/21 WhatsApp Important message for people attending LUH’s INR clinic By News Highland – July 30, 2019 Twitter Facebook AudioHomepage BannerNews Previous articleBig Jim backs Ollie’s HarpsNext articleWorks for special education classrooms at St Baithin’s NS approved News Highland Lifford is one of three towns found to be highly exposed, with almost ‘three out of five jobs’ at high risk.That’s according to an article by a Cork based Economist who has revealed that three out of every five jobs created in Ireland in 2018, were in Dublin.Dr Frank Crowley, Economist at the Spatial and Regional Economic Research Centre at Cork University forecasts that businesses and jobs of the future will generally favour the locations of larger, higher skilled, capital cities at the expense of smaller cities and towns.He believes future automation poses risks to many small towns:Audio Playerhttp://www.highlandradio.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/frankcrowleyweb.mp300:0000:0000:00Use Up/Down Arrow keys to increase or decrease volume. Facebook Loganair’s new Derry – Liverpool air service takes off from CODA Nine til Noon Show – Listen back to Monday’s Programme Pinterest Arranmore progress and potential flagged as population grows Pinterest Article claims three out of five jobs in Lifford to be at high risk News, Sport and Obituaries on Monday May 24th RELATED ARTICLESMORE FROM AUTHOR WhatsApp Google+ Twitter Google+